Organized Anarchy
By William F. Jasper
Source: The New American, June 19, 2000
Street-level
revolutionaries, such as those protesting the World Bank, IMF, and WTO,
are merely puppets whose strings are being pulled by the real
revolutionaries behind the scenes. |
In
the earliest stages of the French Revolution, it became apparent to the
most alert observers that the anarchy and terror in the streets were
being financed and directed from above, by extremely powerful and
wealthy individuals within the aristocracy itself. Foremost among these
“silk hat revolutionaries” was Louis Philippe Joseph, fifth Duc d’
Orleans, a distant cousin to King Louis XVI, and a thoroughly dissolute
reprobate. The Duc and his agents were constantly circulating amongst
the street rabble and rioters, providing funds and inspiration to
incite chaos and turmoil.
Nicolas Chamfort, one of the Duc
d’Orleans’ co-conspirators, admitted to Jean Francois Marmontel that it
was Orleaniste gold that had paid for a scurvy band of thugs to
initiate the riot that destroyed the factory of a generous
philanthropist, Reveillon, who had always assisted the poor with jobs
and benefactions. “Money,” said Chamfort, “and the hope of plunder are
all-powerful with the people. We have just made the experiment in the
Faubourg Saint-Antoine [a section of Paris], and you would not believe
how little it cost the Duc d’Orleans to get them to sack the
manufactory of the honest Reveillon.... Mirabeau cheerfully asserts
that with 100 louis one can make quite a good riot.”
It is also
worth noting that the Duc d’Orleans, the Duc de Biron, the Marquis de
Sillery, and their degenerate companions relied heavily on the dregs of
Parisian and Marseillais society to carry out their brutish work. The
Duc d’Orleans had converted his Palais Royal into a pleasure dome of
depravity, a circus of entertainment — gambling, magic, sporting
events, prostitution, drinking, revelry — the better to have always
at-the-ready a rowdy mob of besotted ruffians. When these bandits then
went out to attack “the nobility” and sack the estates of “the
aristocracy,” Orleans and his aristocratic confreres, of course, had
nothing to fear in the way of danger to their persons and property.
“The
popular Revolution,” said Louis Antoine de St. Just, one of the most
vile and vicious of the revolutionists, “was the surface of a volcano
of extraneous conspiracies.” As one of the Revolution’s
arch-conspirators, a genuine insider, St. Just was in a good position
to know.
Writing as an informed outsider, Lord Acton also
realized that what was seen on the surface told only a small part of
the real story. The British historian observed in his Lectures on the
French Revolution: “The appalling thing in the French Revolution is not
the tumult, but the design. Through all the fire and smoke we perceive
the evidence of calculating organization. The managers remain
studiously concealed and masked; but there is no doubt about their
presence from the first.”
The Battle in Seattle The
foregoing has been brought forcefully to mind by the reappearance of
1960s-style street activism and the escalating incidence of violent
street demonstrations, rioting, and anarchy associated with various and
sundry left-wing causes. The most notable, but far from the only,
examples of this activism in recent months have centered around
opposition to the World Trade Organization and policies of the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund.
On November 30, 1999, as
tens of thousands of eco-fanatics, animal rights militants, and union
members marched and demonstrated in Seattle in protest against the
World Trade Organization, things turned decidedly ugly. Civil
disobedience turned into violent pandemonium as hundreds of rioters
overwhelmed police and went on a violent rampage. In scenes eerily
reminiscent of the 1968 Chicago Democrat National Convention or Kent
State, Marxist hoodlums turned downtown Seattle streets surrounding the
WTO conference site into a war zone. Smashing store windows, setting
fires, overturning cars, battling police, shutting down traffic, and
roughing up pedestrians and WTO delegates, the demonstrators forced
Mayor Paul Schell to declare a state of emergency. Two hundred National
Guardsmen and 300 Washington State Police were rushed in to help
restore and maintain order. More than 500 demonstrators were arrested
and millions of dollars in property damage was done. Incalculably more
damage was inflicted on the body politic.
Much of the violence
and disorder that erupted in Seattle has been attributed to a few bands
of militant anarchists marching under such labels as the Ruckus
Society, the Black Clad Messengers, Direct Action, and the Anarchist
Action Collective. Demonstrators, reporters, and law enforcement
personnel reported that the instigators of the rioting were dressed in
black, wore masks, and coordinated their actions with other anarchist
cells by means of walkie talkies and cell phones.
How’s that for
an oxymoron: organized anarchists? It’s actually not as oxymoronic as
it sounds. Those familiar with the history of anarchism and anarchists
know that these architects of chaos have ever been highly organized and
frequently in the pay of hidden forces. Captain Michael Schaack of the
Chicago Police Department learned this firsthand over one hundred years
ago, when he began his investigation of the network of anarchist
assassins who had carried out the infamous Haymarket riots and bombing.
In his monumental and meticulously documented study, Anarchy and
Anarchists, published in 1889, Captain Schaack traced the incredibly
well-organized conspiracy of international anarchists operating
throughout Europe and the United States.
Things have not changed
much in that respect since Captain Schaack’s day, as we will show. The
claque of thugs who manufactured mayhem in Seattle, whether they
realize it or not, are actors in an elaborate con game. They are
fomenting tumult and distractions from below to provide cover for the
even more dangerous revolutionaries above, who are the supposed targets
of the anarchists’ ire. Likewise, their slightly less militant
colleagues — even many of those who denounced the anarchists’ violent
tactics — are also shills and provocateurs for the corporate globalists
they so vehemently decry. The leadership of Big Green and Big Labor,
who turned out the troops for the Seattle spectacle, are thick as
thieves with the hated “multinational companies” and “global
capitalists” against whom they regularly inveigh.
Not long after
the charade in Seattle, many of the same protesters showed up in
Washington, D.C. for the spring meetings of the World Bank and IMF.
Arrests and violence were down considerably, but the determined
demonstrators disrupted traffic and conference schedules and managed to
grab evening news headlines.
Strange Bedfellows Many
Americans have been thoroughly nonplussed with the antics and rhetoric
of the anti-globalist zealots, often finding themselves in agreement
with many of the slogans, but uncomfortable with the political
orientation, lifestyles, and methods of the demonstrators. Banners and
shouts denouncing the WTO’s infringement on national sovereignty and
proclaiming “No New World Order” resonated with constitutionalists fed
up with the UN’s steady encroachments, conservatives upset with IMF/WB
waste of taxpayers money, and workers exasperated with the loss of jobs
to China and other subsidized markets. But many of these same folks
were less than enamored of the motley assortment of repellent Marxoid
activists leading the protest against various aspects of
“globalization.” Cognitive dissonance was further heightened as Reform
Party Perotistas and Buchananites, along with farmers and pro-life
activists, linked arms with Clintonista habitués of the radical left.
The
targets of these recent attacks are the institutions that trace back to
the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference held in New Hampshire during the
closing days of World War II. Out of that international palaver came
three global organizations — the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT, the forerunner to the WTO), the IMF, and the World Bank. GATT’s
ostensible purpose was to facilitate global prosperity and promote
peaceful international relations by establishing rules for
international trade. The World Bank was set up to loan money to
projects that would help lesser developed countries out of poverty. The
IMF’s stated reason for existence was to stabilize national currencies.
Like
the United Nations, which was established the following year, in 1945,
these global entities were the handiwork of the one-world brain trust
operating out of the New York City-based Council on Foreign Relations
(CFR), also known as the Rockefeller State Department. Like the UN,
these institutions have been colossal failures — if judged by their
reputed purposes. Judged by other standards, however, they have been
whopping successes. If, for instance, one favors, “economic
integration,” a world currency and world central bank, an end to
national sovereignty, and, eventually, world government, then the
“failures” of GATT, the IMF, and World Bank take on a distinctly
different appearance. From this point of view, their policies, which
have promoted global monetary destabilization, impossible debt loads,
and an epidemic of national bankruptcies, are to be wildly applauded
because they are forcing nations to abandon sovereignty in exchange for
“interdependence” and “globalization.”
Indeed, unabashed
apologias for world government are popping out all over. A case in
point is the cover story by Robert Wright in the January 17th issue of
The New Republic, the venerable left-wing voice of the CFR
Establishment. The celebratory headline on the cover states: “America
is surrendering its sovereignty to a world government. Hooray.” Inside,
Mr. Wright admonishes us in a cheeky heading: “World government is
coming. Deal with it.” Wright notes that, “in recent years, more and
more people have raised the specter of world government” and have
sensed “an alarming concentration of planetary power in one or more
acronyms: WTO, U.N., IMF, and so forth.” “Much power now vested in the
nation-state is indeed starting to migrate to international
institutions, and one of these is the WTO,” he acknowledges. We are not
going to see full-blown world government “in the classic sense of the
term” in the immediate future, says Wright. “But world government of a
meaningful if more diffuse sort is probably in the cards.... And,
what’s more, it’s a good idea.”
Mr. Wright is not alone in
holding this wrong opinion, of course; he is simply more forthright
than most of the elite opinion molders in the CFR thought cartel that
holds sway at the New York Times, Washington Post, Time, Newsweek,
network television, and most of the rest of the dominant media, the
beltway think tanks, and academia. Most of these elitists adhere to the
subversive notion of piecemeal sabotage and surrender of our national
sovereignty as expressed by Professor Richard N. Gardner (CFR) in his
seminal, 1974 article in the CFR’s official journal, Foreign Affairs.
Entitled “The Hard Road to World Order,” Gardner’s essay foresaw the
coming of the WTO as one of the necessary planks in the “house of world
order” being built by him and his CFR confreres. Gardner, who is now
Clinton’s ambassador to Spain, explained that this house “will have to
be built from the bottom up rather than from the top down. It will look
like a great ‘booming, buzzing confusion,’... but an end run around
national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece, will accomplish much
more than the old-fashioned frontal assault.”
Gardner
specifically mentioned seeking new rules “for the conduct of
international trade,” and a strengthening of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), as necessary steps on the road to world
order, which is CFR parlance for world government. In 1995, GATT was
transformed into the WTO and invested with a growing corpus of powers.
Much
of the effort to build this “house of world order” still looks like
“booming, buzzing confusion.” And that is intentional, to hide the
obvious design of the builders from the great unwashed, who might rise
up and dash these plans to bits, if they recognized the prison walls
being constructed about them. So the builders have invested a great
deal in confusion artists, whose jobs are to provide plenty of booming
and buzzing.
Which brings us to the Spring 2000 issue of Foreign
Policy, which features a cover photo of confusion agent Lori Wallach,
with the title“Why Is This Woman Smiling?” The subtitle answers the
question: “Because she just beat up the WTO in Seattle, that’s why.”
Inside this prestigious journal we find an admiring 27-page interview
with Ms. Wallach by the editor of Foreign Policy, Moises Naim.
Entitled, “Lori’s War,” the friendly dialogue begins by inviting us to
“Meet Lori Wallach, leader of the anti-WTO protests in Seattle. Find
out who she is, how she works, and what she plans to do next.”
But,
before we do that, a word about the sponsor, Foreign Policy. Like the
CFR journal Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy caters to an elite
clientele of one-world policy wonks. It could be called a sister
publication of Foreign Affairs. It is published by the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace (formerly run by Soviet agent Alger
Hiss), which shares the same address (1779 Massachusetts Avenue) with
the CFR’s Washington, D.C. office. That is not all the two
organizations share; Foreign Policy’s editorial board, contributing
editors, and stable of guest authors constitute a veritable CFR
membership roster.
Why is the CFR Establishment lauding this
“anti-Establishment” foe, who allegedly foiled key elements of their
plans for “world order”? Several reasons, actually, but the main one we
will examine here is the important task of establishing Ms. Wallach in
the forefront of the “controlled opposition.” The Establishment’s
members (and wannabe members) get the message that this individual is a
vetted “go to” person for media interviews, sound bites, congressional
testimony, etc.
In the preamble to its interview, Foreign Policy
tells its elite audience that the earnest, bespectacled Wallach “is
widely regarded as an intelligent, well-informed, and media-savvy
political organizer.” (Not at all like those retrograde, right-wing,
isolationist ignoramuses who have traditionally constituted the main
opposition to the CFR’s globalist agenda.) The 36-year-old activist, we
are told, “started her career working with Public Citizen, the public
interest group founded by consumer advocate Ralph Nader” and is now the
director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch (GTW). Yes, now you’re
beginning to see; she’s a lieutenant of one of the Establishment’s
favorite revolutionaries. This is the same Comrade Nader who once
proclaimed that the solution to America’s problems is “socialism or
communism of one sort or another,” and who for the past three decades
has been working for precisely that end.
In the course of her
interview, Wallach admits that Global Trade Watch is funded by the Ford
Foundation — another Establishment imprimatur! Like the Duc d’Orleans,
the CFR’s silk hats who run the Ford Foundation have always had
generous spigots for “acceptable” revolutionaries. They no doubt
consider their investments in Citizens Nader and Wallach well spent.
You see, Nader, Wallach, and others of their ilk in the vanguard of the
“anti-WTO” movement are actually indispensable elements of the pincer
strategy to make the WTO vastly more powerful. The main message these
phonies have been sending from “below” is that the WTO’s single-minded
concern with trade issues ignores and tramples on vital environmental
and human issues such as wages, health care, labor union rights, etc.
The WTO must be “fixed,” they say, and that means expanding WTO
authority (or expanding current UN agencies, or creating new ones) to
deal with these issues. “Perfect!” say the globalists (among
themselves), while publicly proclaiming that they do not want that kind
of expanded power. (“Please don’t throw us into that briar patch!”)
This
strategy was partially revealed when Mr. Naim asked Wallach to explain
her worldview and how things would be different under the scheme she
envisions. “There would be a global regime of rules,” she answered,
“that more than anything create the political space for the kinds of
value decisions that mechanisms like the WTO now make, at a level where
people living with the results can hold the decision makers
accountable.” Somewhat vague about particulars, but it establishes the
key point that she and the Naderite opposition are not essentially and
unalterably opposed to the WTO globalism; they just want to tweak it to
fit their own particular predilections. Or, as Robert Wright candidly
(and very aptly) put it in his New Republic piece: “Even as they heap
scorn on the notion of world government, they’re really arguing about
what kind of world government we should have.”
Wallach goes on
to state: “I would maintain a global regime of trading, because I would
have tariff and quota rules, which need to be tweaked. And I would have
international rules in other fora that would be given treatment equal
to those commercial rules of the WTO. Alternatively, I would have some
system of adjudicating between those sets of rules made by different
multilateral bodies.” Moreover, she favors “empowering institutions
such as the International Labor Organization (ILO), which right now is
toothless and useless.” Asked if she was “in favor of creating a global
organization to deal with environmental issues,” she answered, “I think
there are merits to that.”
The one-world Establishment couldn’t
ask for better opposition if they’d paid for it. But then, as we’ve
already mentioned, they have paid for it. In fact, if you go to the
Global Trade Watch website, you will find this interesting admission:
Thanks
to initial support from the Ford Foundation, last year we launched a
major project on international harmonization of standards that unites
GTW and Public Citizen’s medical, legal, energy/environmental, and
product/auto safety divisions. NAFTA and the WTO include requirements
to either globally standardize regulatory policies or declare other
nations’ standards as “equivalent.” We now work with numerous local,
state, and federal policy-makers, and also with NGOs, to make them
aware of these issues and facilitate their input and participation.
Follow the Money The
National Wildlife Federation, World Wildlife Fund, Sierra Club, Friends
of the Earth, and many of the other principal organizations providing
shock troops for the street demonstrations are also longtime recipients
of foundation largesse from Establishment fronts such as Ford,
Rockefeller, Carnegie, Pew, and MacArthur. If you want to know who’s
calling the shots, look at who writes the checks. If the plans of the
globalist Insiders were genuinely threatened by these “opponents,”
would they continue to support them financially? What’s more, and just
as important, would the leaders of these groups, like Wallach and
Nader, continue to receive favorable treatment in the CFR-dominated
media?
As mentioned earlier, nothing is really new here. In
1968, the very Establishment publisher, Random House, published The
Strawberry Statement: Notes of a College Revolutionary, by James Kunen,
a student revolutionary who had helped seize Columbia University. Kunen
made this interesting admission of the powers behind the scenes that
bankroll the pressure from below:
In the evening, I went
up to the U. to check out a strategy meeting. A kid was giving a report
on the SDS [Students for a Democratic Society] convention. He said that
… at the convention, men from Business International Round Tables, the
meeting sponsored by Business International for their client groups and
heads of government, tried to buy up a few radicals.
These men
are the world’s leading industrialists and they convene to decide how
our lives are going to go. These are the guys who wrote the Alliance
for Progress. They are the left wing of the ruling class.
They
offered to finance our demonstrations in Chicago. We were also offered
ESSO (Rockefeller) money. They want us to make a lot of radical
commotion so they can look more in the center as they move to the left. Former
Black revolutionary Jerry Kirk provides another example, of many that
could be cited, showing the pincer strategy in action. While a student
at the University of Chicago, Kirk became active in the SDS, the DuBois
Club, the Black Panthers, and the Communist Party. Not only did he
observe the support provided by the Establishment during his
revolutionary activities, but he was able to detect the strategy of
pressure from above and pressure from below at work. Kirk broke from
the Party in 1969. The following year, he testified before the House
and Senate Internal Security panels:
Young people have
no conception of the conspiracy’s strategy of pressure from above and
pressure from below.... They have no idea that they are playing into
the hands of the Establishment they claim to hate. The radicals think
they’re fighting the forces of the super rich, like Rockefeller and
Ford, and they don’t realize that it is precisely such forces which are
behind their own revolution, financing it, and using it for their own
purposes.... Like the Parisian thugs and street rabble
who were often found with the Duc d’Orleans’ gold louis in their
pockets, many, if not most, of the street revolutionaries today are
merely agents for the real revolutionaries who are calling the shots
from behind the scenes.
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